Anthony DiFilippo, Professor of Sociology,Lincoln University
Japan's constitution represents a foundation upon which it can establish an identity and create for itself the international role it so desperately seeks. Working in this capacity, Japan can become a leading force in the design of a new global security model. In the absence of a new global security model, the same type of problems and obstacles that endured throughout the Cold War remain in place. By relying on its constitution, therefore, Japan can assume the international responsibilities that correspond with its superpower position as it leads the way in creating a global security model that removes still-existing Cold War obstacles. Of course, all of this means that Japan must withstand the forces of constitutional revision that are constantly present.
The recent Clinton-Yeltsin meeting in Helsinki demonstrated that the security problems and obstacles that emerged during the Cold War can not be easily eradicated in its aftermath. Although nuclear disarmament should have proceeded rather quickly during the last several years, it swirls in the after shocks stemming from disagreements, uncertainty, and lingering mistrust. Because all of the nuclear superpowers have vested political and even economic interests in continuing the procrastination relating to nuclear disarmament, it for them has been a very long-term objective that, at best, could be realized someday. Maintaining the security model and accompanying mind set of the Cold War period, however, means that someday could be a very long way off, or could never arrive at all.
The significance of Japan's constitution is more than its principled renunciation of war clause. The preamble to Japan's constitution manifests its willingness to be part of the international community and is quite emphatic about the importance of world peace. These introductory passages to the Japanese constitution leave open the question of the extent to which Japan can contribute to international peace: We desire to occupy an honored place in an international society striving for the preservation of peace, and the banishment of tyranny and slavery, oppression an intolerance for all time from the earth.
In its search for an international role that truly measures up to its economic strength, Japan must embrace an identity that demonstrates a responsible commitment to the peace and security of the global community and that at the same time conforms with its national disavowal of war making activities. While maintaining the constitutional commitment to pacifism articulated in Article 9, Japan must begin determined and sustained work to achieve the global renunciation of war by becoming the leading superpower advocate of disarmament and the immediate elimination of all nuclear weapons. Most of this work must occur within the United Nations, and clearly holding a permanent seat on the security council will make the task of assuming leadership responsibilities somewhat easier. But even now as a nonpermanent member of the U.N. security council, Japan must begin to develop a comprehensive plan of its position in an international model that truly creates security by making worldwide and complete disarmament a time-identified objective.
It would be very useful as well for Japan to make evident the amount of compatibility between its constitution and the charter of the United Nations. Products of the same period, both of these documents stress the importance of promoting international cooperation, justice, and world peace. In particular, the preamble to Japan's constitution can be thought of as a complement to Chapter I, Article I of the U.N. charter which speaks of collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace. For Japan, involvement in an authentic collective security system entirely controlled and managed by the United Nations on a permanent basis would enable it to acquire its desired and esteemed place in the international community, provided only that it simultaneously and enthusiastically pursues general and complete disarmament. Unlike the debate that emerged during the Gulf War concerning Japan's active military involvement in U.N. peacekeeping operations, there is nothing constitutionally prohibitive about it fully participating in an international peacekeeping force when a collective security and global disarmament regime are operational.
Although Article 9 prohibits Japan as a state from aggressive war making activities through its explicit abdication of this option for settling international conflicts, its proscriptions are contextual. That is, the Japanese constitution prohibits Japan from acting as an aggressive power, from creating war, and from relying on its military to settle international conflicts. With a genuine collective security and global disarmament regime in place, Japan itself, that is, as a nation, would still be renouncing war and forgoing state hostility.
These points are clear: with measurable steps taken (the first of which is the complete elimination of all nuclear weapons) to reach general and complete disarmament and with a U.N.-directed collective security system in effect, Japan would be endeavoring to establish its security and global peace, as stipulated in the preamble of its constitution. At the same time, Japan would find its esteemed place in the international community by working in harmony with the vast majority of other nations to establish these objectives.
Different today than in the 1940s when the Japanese constitution was created, Japan's respected place in the international community must be one of a leader, not just a participating member. Today Japan is too important of an economic power to settle on a disciple role in international affairs. Doing what is expected in a disciple role constrains the pervading Japanese sentiment to help create a disarmed and peaceful world and to strengthen the peace making authority of the United Nations.
Japan's international identity and role must come from within, and not be imposed on it by outside forces. Japan has a responsibility today to take on an international position that parallels its economic power; it deserves to be a leading power helping to shape the global security system in the post-Cold War period. Japan's constitution provides it with the motivational source and the political standards necessary for the diffusion of peace throughout the world and for creating a nuclear disarmed planet.
Anthony DiFilippo
Professor of Sociology
Lincoln University
Lincoln University, PA 19352 USA
Telephone: (610) 932-8300, ext. 3544
Fax: (610) 932-1880
E-mail: difilippo@lu.lincoln.edu